Wisconsin
Protests
Draw
Thousands Of
Workers
Fighting For
Key Union
Rights
MADISON, WIS
(By
Lila Shapiro,
HuffPost)
February 22,
2011
―
On Friday,
February 11,
at the same
hour
the world
watched the
former
Egyptian
president
Hosni
Mubarak
resign his
post, the
newly
appointed
Republican
Governor of
Wisconsin
quietly
launched a
ferocious
attack on
public
sector
unions ―
and the very
notion of
organized
labor in
America.
For nearly
fifty years
unions have
sought to
safeguard
and advance
their rights
through a
process
known as
collective
bargaining,
which is the
the most
powerful
tool labor
has for
peacefully
resolving
disputes and
ensuring
workers a
voice in
negotiations
on
everything
from fair
wages to
safety
conditions
and sick
leave.
The bill
championed
by
Wisconsin's
governor
takes dead
aim at this
process by
stripping
most state
workers of
many of
their
collective
bargaining
rights.
Union
leaders have
responded
uproariously,
claiming
that the
bill
effectively
guts public
unions of
their most
critical
asset in a
state that
pioneered
many of the
fundamental
fights for
worker's
rights.
Political
chaos has
ensued on
both sides.
State
Democrats
fled the
state last
week to
prevent a
vote on the
legislation,
while many
Republican
governors ―
some who
already have
similar
bills on the
table ―
watch
carefully to
see, if the
bill
succeeds,
how they
might pass
anti-union
legislature
in their own
states.
President
Obama called
the bill "an
assault on
unions." On
the ground
in
Wisconsin,
the growing
crowd of
protesters
portray
their
actions as
part of a
once-in-a
generation
struggle to
shape the
dynamic that
determines
what voice
workers will
have in the
workplace.
They feel
the eyes of
the world
upon them.
Last Friday
as millions
swarmed the
streets of
Egypt in a
"Day of
Victory"
rally, a
young man
posted a
picture on
his Facebook
page showing
a sign
reading
"EGYPT
Supports
Wisconsin
One World
One Pain."
In many
statehouses
in America,
there are
heated
debates
about how to
handle
mounting
deficits and
difficult
budget cuts.
Governor
Walker's
so-called
"Budget
Repair Bill"
purports to
address
Wisconsin's
$137 million
budget
shortfall.
In addition
to removing
most
collective
bargaining
rights,
Walker's
proposal
would double
the amount
state
employees
pay for
health
insurance
and increase
contributions
to their
pension
funds.
Republican's
say Walker's
plan would
save the
state $30
million over
the next
three months
and $300
million over
the next two
years.
Proponents
of the bill
say that it
is a
pragmatic
approach to
difficult
fiscal
times.
"I'm just
trying to
balance my
budget," Mr.
Walker told
the New York
Times. "To
those who
say why
didn't I
negotiate on
this? I
don't have
anything to
negotiate
with. We
don't have
anything to
give. Like
practically
every other
state in the
country,
we're broke.
And it's
time to pay
up."
But labor
historians,
economists
and policy
makers say
that
addressing
Wisconsin's
deficit is
not the full
motive of
the bill. As
they see it,
what's
really
happening is
that Walker
is seizing
on an
illusory
budget
crisis and
using it as
a battering
ram to break
public
unions.
"It's a
symbolically
huge stab to
see workers
rights and
mechanisms
for
conciliation
being
undone,"
said labor
historian
Josh
Freeman. "I
think
[Walker's
Bill] is
about
ideology,
generally.
There aren't
that many
worker
institutions
left in the
United
States. It's
a real
effort to
take them
down. And
the budget
is an
occasion for
this."
Indeed, in a
conference
call with
reporters
last week,
leaders at
two of
Wisconsin's
largest
state
workers
unions ―
the
Wisconsin
Education
Association
Council and AFSCME
―
said that
they would
concede all
of Walker's
fiscal
demands, if
they could
keep the
right to
collective
bargaining.
"We want to
say loud and
clear: it is
not about
those
concessions,"
said Mary
Bell,
president of
WEAC. "For
my members,
it's about
retaining a
voice in
their
professions."
Walker has
rejected
this offer.
"Doesn't
work," he
told USA
Today. "And
the reason,
having been
a local
government
official, is
we've got 72
counties,
424 school
districts,
over a
thousand
municipalities.
And like
every other
state, or
nearly every
other state
across the
country, our
budget is
going to
have cuts in
aids to
local
governments."
But union
leaders
insist that
there is
always
something to
bargain
over, even
if it is
only the
ability to
bargain
itself.
"I think
what people
need to see
in this is
that it's
not just an
attack on
public
service
unions. It's
really a
concerted
attack by
powerful
interests
that really
want to see
working
class people
be brought
down," said
Rick Badger,
the
executive
director of
AFSCME's
Wisconsin 40
council.
"Walker
claims
there's
nothing to
bargain
with. The
message we
need to get
out there is
that this
could not be
further from
the truth."
As the crowd
builds day
by day, the
tens of
thousands
who have
showed up to
protest
Walker's
bill claim
their
actions are
much more
than a
battle over
increased
health
insurance
premiums and
a cut to
their
pensions.
Those who
have
gathered for
days in
increasing
numbers in
front of the
Capitol ―
in some
cases,
through the
night,
camped out
inside the
Capitol on
sleeping
bags and
cardboard ―
characterize
themselves
as figures
at the heart
of the
struggle for
the future
of the
American
worker.
Other states
are closely
watching
Wisconsin's
example.
In Ohio,
Republican
Senator
Shannon
Jones
proposed a
bill which
also seeks
to eliminate
collective
bargaining
rights for
public
employees
and curtail
binding
arbitration
rules for
local
governments.
Last month,
Ohio
governor
John Kasich
said that if
employees
strike,
"they should
be fired."
In response,
last week
thousands of
protesters
gathered in
front of the
Ohio
statehouse.
Indiana is
facing
protests
over a
proposed
Right to
Work bill.
Indiana has
also
proposed a
bill which
would limit
collective
bargaining
rights for
teachers.
Union
leaders and
democrats
are
preparing
for extended
fights in
both Ohio
and Indiana.
"I think
other states
will be
emboldened,"
says Rebecca
Givan, a
professor of
labor
relations at
Cornell. "If
[Walker's
bill] passes
there will
be a ripple
effect and
states like
Ohio and
Indiana will
move
quickly. And
other states
will start
to think
that this is
a viable
option."
Solidarity
at the
Capitol
In
Wisconsin,
the
demonstrations
have been
peaceful.
Yet, Walker
has
attempted to
pit law
enforcement
against
protesters
since his
first
announcement
of the bill,
which was
accompanied
by the
suggestion
that he
might call
in the
National
Guard to
quell
protesters.
He told
reporters at
the press
conference
that the
Guard was
"prepared"
for
"whatever
the
governor,
their
commander-in-chief,
might call
for."
Additionally,
in a move
that might
have further
divided
Wisconsin
state
workers,
Walker
exempted
police and
firefighters
from his
bill. Many
observed
that cops
and
firefighters
tend to vote
Republican
and this
might
explain
their
exclusion.
But far from
turning on
the crowd,
Wisconsin
police have
acted as
behind-the-scenes
advocates
for those
opposing the
bill in
negotiations
with state
administrators.
The protests
have been
peaceful,
with very
few arrests.
But on
Friday
night,
according to
sources
inside the
Wisconsin
Police
Department,
the state's
Department
of
Administration
wanted to
clear the
Capitol
building
where people
were camped
out,
singing,
praying, and
sharing
stories late
into the
night. Those
police
assigned to
the capitol
refused to
comply,
arguing that
as there was
absolutely
nothing
going on and
there was no
need to act.
After a
"healthy
discussion"
(as one
police
officer put
it), the
discussion
was dropped
and those
inside the
Capitol
stayed put.
No group has
been more
loved at the
protests in
Madison than
the cops and
firefighters.
Everywhere
they go,
they are
trailed by
shouts of
thanks and
cheers. Day
after day,
police
officers, in
their
civvies,
gathered by
the
Wisconsin
Law
Enforcement
Memorial
carrying
signs
pledging
solidarity.
"This is not
about the
money," said
George
Silverwood,
a
silver-haired
retiree with
a bright
white smile
straight out
of central
casting. He
was with the
police force
for 32
years,
deeply
involved
with union
negotiations,
and said he
can't
believe what
Walker is
proposing.
"I sat at
that table
and arrived
at a
contract and
saw how well
that worked,
year after
year,"
Silverwood
said.
"Walker
keeps
saying,
people
shouldn't be
shocked.
Well, we're
shocked. And
we're
angry."
Jamie
Leonard, 35,
has been a
Wisconsin
firefighter
for 13
years. He
lives a
2-hour drive
from
Wisconsin,
but drove
down to join
the protests
last week
and plans to
go again
this week.
"I went to
show
support,"
Leonard said
simply. "We
need to show
that, even
if we
weren't
included, we
support the
public
worker
unions.
We're with
them."
"[Collective
bargaining]
has been in
this state
for a long
time, and
not having
that, there
are a lot of
unknowns,"
Leonard
said. "When
you lose
something,
it's like a
nice
comfortable
blanket. You
take that
away, and
you think:
are we just
going to be
left out in
the cold?
How will we
be treated
from here on
out?
Benefits are
one thing
but rights
are
something
else. And
that's what
we're
fighting
about."
Many police
are
suspicious
of Walker's
real
motives.
Scott Favour,
a Madison
cop for 19
years
exclaimed
heatedly,
"Governor
Walker is
not telling
the whole
story on
what he's
trying to
accomplish.
It's about
breaking
unions."
"You can't
bribe the
cops,"
Favour said,
greeted with
grins and
high fives
from fellow
policemen.
There has
been
extensive
debate about
why Walker
exempted
police and
firefighters
from his
bill. In a
press
conference,
Walker
simply said
that the
state has
always
treated
local police
and
firefighters
differently
than other
public
workers.
Rumors
swirled with
ulterior
motives. Was
it payback
for campaign
support?
Others felt
Walker was
too scared
to go after
cops and
firefighters.
Some
thought, he
was trying
to bribe
them. It's
still not
entirely
clear why he
carved them
out of the
bill.
The largest
state police
and fire
unions in
Wisconsin
supported
Walker's
opponent in
the
elections,
although the
Milwaukee
police and
fire
fighters
unions
endorsed
Walker.
The Governor
did not
respond to
several
requests for
comment.
Observers of
the state's
political
climate say
the support
police and
firefighters
have shown
in the
protests
over the
last week is
unprecedented
in recent
memory.
"Law
enforcement
officers go
into the
profession
to be
helpful to
people,"
said Jim
Palmer,
executive
director of
the
Wisconsin
Professional
Police
Association.
"So they see
this as an
opportunity
to continue
doing that.
I think
they're
worried
about a
whole class
of people
they work
with who
will be
deprived of
their
rights, and
the second
thing is: We
could be
next."
The
uncertainty
about why
the groups
were
exempted
from the
bill leaves
a gaping
unknown:
Could their
unions be
the next on
the chopping
block?
"The reality
is that he's
trying to
divide those
within
Wisconsin's
various
labor
groups,"
Palmer said.
"He wants to
divide
Wisconsin's
house of
labor so he
exempts the
two most
popular
groups and
tries to let
everyone
else fend
for
themselves.
I think
that's the
political
reality."
Veteran
groups were
outraged by
Walker's
reference to
the National
Guard.
In the past,
the Guard
has stepped
in to staff
prisons when
prison
employees
went on
strike. But,
in his
comments,
the governor
did not
specify what
the Guard
might be
used for.
And the
history of
the National
Guard
intervening
in union
protests in
Wisconsin is
brutal.
"It's hard
to imagine
why that had
to be raised
except to
purposely
stoke a
fire," said
Joseph
McCartin, a
labor
historian at
Georgetown
University.
"It's a
painful
history that
Wisconsin
has had in
that respect
and to raise
the specter
of calling
in the
National
Guard seems
totally
unwarranted
in this
case."
The last
time
Wisconsin
called in
the National
Guard was in
1886. The
Guard, then
called the
State
Militia were
brought in
to break a
rally of
Milwaukee
workers
advocating
an 8-hour
work day.
The militia
fired into a
crowd of
unarmed
picketers;
it's
estimated
that 5 to 7
workers were
killed.
Which
State could
be Next?
It is far
from an
accident
this
struggle is
being played
out in
Wisconsin.
Wisconsin
workers have
a deep and
longstanding
history with
unions. It
is the
birthplace
of the
American
Federation
of State,
County and
Municipal
Employees (AFSCME),
one of the
largest
unions in
the United
states.
Wisconsin
fought the
first fights
to get
unemployment
insurance,
worker's
compensation,
and public
sector
collective
bargaining.
Jenny
Sallmann a
37-year-old
Nurse at the
UW hospital
thought of
her father,
a Wisconsin
teamster,
often while
she was out
protesting
last week.
"He taught
me never to
cross a
picket
line," she
said. "And
he's pretty
conservative.
He believes
that―" she
paused for a
several
breaths.
"Well, I
can't talk
for him, but
he was in a
good union
and it
helped him
have a good
paying job.
He didn't
have a
college
education,
he didn't
have a ton
of money but
he supported
us by
driving a
truck and I
saw that
growing up."
On Friday
and
Saturday,
the normally
pristine
interior of
the Capitol
was
practically
wallpapered
with signs
which place
the protests
in the
context of a
struggle for
fundamental
rights.
"Worker
Rights are
Human
Rights,"
"Egypt = 18
days,
Wisconsin =
??" and "No!
Not In My
Wisconsin."
One woman
held a sign
reading ""My
father stood
her here in
1956 I stand
here in 2011
in his place
for his
honor."
Collective
bargaining
for public
sector
workers was
first passed
in Wisconsin
in 1958,
after years
of protests
and
negotiations.
There are
nearly three
hundred
thousand
public
workers in
Wisconsin.
On the
streets,
protesters
talked of
revolution.
At night,
union
leaders
gathered at
the nearby
Concourse
hotel to
strategize
while others
swarmed the
statehouse,
beating
drums, and
reading
statements
about how
the bill
would effect
their lives.
Last week,
protesters
read to
gathered
assembly
members late
into the
night. When
the assembly
closed, and
the members
went home
Friday
night, they
read to each
other.
Walker's
bill does
allow
collective
bargaining
on one issue
― workers
would be to
negotiate
over wages
up to the
Consumer
Price Index.
Labor
historians
and
economists
view this as
little more
than an
empty
gesture.
"You're not
allowed to
negotiate
for pension
and benefit,
you can't
negotiate
beyond the
rate of
inflation
for wages,"
said Laura
Dresser, a
labor
economist at
the Center
on Wisconsin
Strategy,
"So workers
know: They
are stuck,
even if
economy gets
better. Even
if the state
has money
again, they
are stuck."
Proponents
of the bill
say that
taking away
collective
bargaining
rights is
crucial to
maintaining
a balanced
budget in
the future.
Walker
claims that
collective
bargaining
has "stood
in the way
of local
governments
and school
districts
being able
to balance
their
budget" and
maintains
that his
bill is
"modest."
But labor
economists
point to
labor's long
history of
collaborating
with states
in times of
fiscal
trouble.
"The
principle of
collective
bargaining
is not that
unionized
people
always get
more," says
Rebecca
Givan. "The
principle is
that
everything
gets
negotiated.
Even if
there's only
a small
amount of
money on the
table, how
it's
distributed
gets
negotiated
not
imposed."
State
workers are
quick to
point out
that they
had already
faced
mandated
furlough
days and
they are
fully
prepared for
more pay and
benefit
cuts.
"Teachers
all over the
state have
made
concessions
on their
bargaining,"
Dresser
continued.
"We see hard
times going
forward. But
what he's
doing,
what's
duplicitous,
is that he's
using the
budget
stress to
take on the
infrastructure
of
collective
bargaining
and worker's
voice. And
so that's
where we
have to
stand up."
Critics of
the bill
point to
Walker's
significant
ties with
the Koch
brothers,
two
conservative
titans of
industry who
are waging a
war against
the Obama
administration.
The brothers
were
Walker's
second-biggest
campaign
contributor,
and have
long taken a
"very
antagonistic
view toward
public-sector
unions,"
Mother Jones
reports.
When Walker
took office
in January,
Wisconsin's
budget was
not in need
of austerity
measures,
Talking
Points Memo
reported
last week.
Rather, the
steep state
deficit
stems from a
series of
tax cut
policies
Walker
enforced
shortly
after taking
office.
Wisconsin's
Fiscal
Bureau
concluded in
a recent
report the
current
budget
shortfall is
a direct
result of
tax cuts
Walker "more
than half"
of
Wisconsin's
current
shortfall
comes from
three
initiatives
Walker
enacted
shortly
after taking
office.
"Walker was
not forced
into a
budget
repair bill
by
circumstances
beyond his
control,"
said Jack
Norman,
research
director at
the
Institute
for
Wisconsin
Future ― a
public
interest
think tank.
"He wanted a
budget
repair bill
and forced
it by
pushing
through tax
cuts... so
he could
rush through
these other
changes."
Meanwhile,
the share of
corporate
tax revenue
funding the
state
government
has fallen
by half
since 1981
and,
according to
Wisconsin
Department
of Revenue,
two-thirds
of
corporations
pay no
taxes.
"I'm not
saying they
don't have
real budget
issues,"
Freeman
said, "But
Wisconsin is
not Nevada
or
California.
And there
are all
kinds of
ways to
address the
deficit,
including
cutting
labor costs.
What's
interesting
here is that
after
initially
resisting
it, the
unions have
actually
agreed to
all the
cuts."
As for what
the future
holds for
Wisconsin
workers, if
the bill
should pass,
Freeman
points out
that there
are some
indications
of what
might be
ahead. This
is the first
time that
collective
bargaining
has ever
been taken
away from a
state, but
20 states
never
negotiated
for it.
"This is not
a new
situation,"
Freeman
said.
"Unlike a
lot of
aspects of
the law,
labor law is
really
varied. You
could argue
that this is
the further
southernization
of northern
society,
because in
much of the
south this
is already
the case. So
look there
and you'll
see what you
get."
On Monday,
as the
protests
enter their
second week,
Wisconsin is
frozen in a
standoff.
Last
Wednesday,
Democratic
lawmakers
fled the
state to
block a
quorum and
prevent the
bill from
passing. The
Governor has
the votes to
pass the
bill, but
while the 14
Senate
Democrats
remain in
undisclosed
locations in
Illinois,
the
legislature
cannot move
forward.
Sen. Spencer
Coggs
(D-Milwaukee)
said
Democrats
were
prepared to
stay away
"as long as
it takes."
An
Impending
Brain Drain
One
unintended
consequence
of Walker's
proposal is
a
significant
brain drain,
as the best
and the
brightest in
Wisconsin's
public
sector
either leave
the state or
retire.
Elizabeth
Zahn, 52, is
a Pediatric
therapist
and union
member of 25
years. She
has lived in
Madison her
entire life.
She never
thought she
would
contemplate
leaving the
state, until
last week.
As a health
care
professional
and union
member, Zahn
is concerned
for herself,
but also for
those
patients who
are
supported by
state
salaries who
may no
longer be
able to
afford her
services.
After 25
years, she
is scared
about what
the
workplace
will be like
without a
union to
support her.
"I feel
insecure
without a
union behind
me. like
there's no
one watching
my back.
I've often
been
Laissez-faire
with my
involvement
with
contract
bargaining
thinking, oh
there's
someone
watching out
for me,"
Zach says,
clenching
her hands
and looking
down. "But
now I'll
have to
figure this
all out on
my own and I
don't know
how that's
going to
work."
Zahn has a
graduate
degree from
the
University
of Wisconsin
in physical
therapy and
an excellent
professional
track
record. She
views
Walker's
bill as a
slap in the
face.
"There's no
appreciation
for me and
what I can
do," Zahn
says. "And
I'm going to
move
someplace
where I can
be
appreciated."
Workers
expressed a
variety of
reasons for
leaving
Wisconsin.
The budget
cuts are a
factor, but
many would
stick it out
if they felt
that they
still had a
place at the
bargaining
table and
hope for a
more
affluent
future.
Matthew
James
Enright, 28,
is a school
teacher in
Lancaster,
Wisconsin,
about 85
miles west
of Madison.
His wife, Jo
Nelson, is a
mathematics
graduate
student at
the
University
of Wisconsin
and member
of the
Teacher's
Assistants
Union. They
moved to
Wisconsin
for Nelson's
graduate
program, but
are
considering
relocating
if the
protests are
unsuccessful.
The couple
is rattled
by Walker's
exclamations
that they
are the
"haves" in
the state
economy.
Enright
makes around
$35,000 a
year, and
Nelson makes
$13,000.
They are
burdened
with student
debt from
college, and
between the
two of them
barely
scrape by.
"We have put
off buying a
dresser for
a year and a
half,"
Enright
said, "And
our dresser
is falling
apart! I'm
okay with
hand-me-down
furniture,"
he paused.
"I have a
really good
degree from
a very
respected
program and
it's every
month we end
up arguing
about
something
with money."
And yet,
when matters
turned to
collective
bargaining,
the couple
became
dramatically
more heated,
as though
the
financial
burdens of
life slipped
away in the
face of a
greater
need.
"It's the
taking away
my seat at
the table,"
Enright said
angrily.
"That's what
really
bothers me."
"Even if the
economy is
to recover
we'll never
regain what
we've lost
here,"
Nelson
chimed in.
Enright went
on, "I don't
see how the
school will
even really
be able to
afford to
replace me,
and other
people like
me who
leave. And
I'm pretty
good at my
job," he
laughed.
"I'm hard to
replace."
Nelson is
worried the
bill will
decimate the
University
as the best
students and
professors
reach out to
other
universities.
But early
retirement
is a sharp
concern in
Wisconsin as
well.
"The more
immediate
problem,"
Rebecca
Givan said,
"is the rush
to
retirement.
Because if
people are
worried
about their
pension
being cut,
they're
already
putting in
their
retirement
requests
now. So
that's going
to be a huge
rush of all
the most
experienced
workers
putting in
their
retirement
requests
now."
But many are
not calling
it quits
just yet.
Dianna
James, an
Affiliate
Processing
Technician
at ASFCME
40, and
member of
the private
sector union
FSSU said
that she was
planning on
retiring,
but when
Walker made
his
announcement,
reconsidered
her plans
for the
future.
"It's in my
blood now,"
James said.
"I'll be out
there if it
takes all
year. My
husband
says:
'You're not
retiring,
are you?' I
said, 'Oh
I'm not
retiring,
I'm just
starting a
new fight.'"
"I just
can't
fathom ―"
James paused
for a long
moment,
considering
Walker's
proposal to
do away with
collective
bargaining.
"I can
fathom what
they feel:
and that's
anger. Can I
blame them?
No. Because
I feel the
same emotion
for them."